PTSD in post-genocidal societies: The Case of Rwanda

As with Bosnia, there is a relatively small amount of research carried out on the survivors of the genocide; however, research is almost exclusively on Tutsis within Rwanda, and not - as is the case with Bosnians - Rwandan refugees to the West.

In 1995 UNICEF conducted a survey of 3000 Rwandan children, ages 8 through 19.

• 95% had witnessed violence.
• 80% had suffered a death in their immediate family.
• 62% were threatened with death

Geltman P, and Stover E (1997) have argued that trauma occurs when a child cannot give meaning to dangerous experiences in the presence of overwhelming arousal. Des Forges (1999) has demonstrated that eliminating Tutsi children was seen as a critical dimension of eliminating the Tutsi presence in Rwanda. Perhaps because of this direct assault on the children, one of the key symptoms in Rwandan adolescents is diminished expectations. According to a UNICEF survey(1999), 60% of children surveyed did not care if they grew up. Geltman cites Palmer (1995) who reports that Rwandan parents seemed unmoved by the death of their children. One parent's comment about a murdered child may be typical: Well, what future would he have had anyway? Dyregrov (2000) argues that the extent of loss and trauma which affected all levels of society throughout Rwanda may have rendered the traditional coping mechanisms and collective support less viable and the whole adult community less receptive to children’s needs given the adults’ traumas and grief.

In 1994 it was estimated by the Rwandan government that 400,000 children were separated or orphaned. The Red Cross estimated 45,000 were in this situation. Regardless, there are a significant number of children who do not have the social support of a family in order to deal with the trauma of genocide. The local communities, to some extent, have alleviated this problem. In 1995 the average number of children per family had increased from a pre-genocide number of 5.5 to 7 (UN Chronicle, 1998, p 4).

According to UNICEF in 1997 there were 65,000 families headed by children 12 years of age or older. Over 300,000 children were growing up in households without adults. UNICEF also estimates there were 4820 children involved in the armed forces on both sides of the conflict in Rwanda. Hutu children also acted as informants, disclosing the location of nearby Tutsis. Rwanda has pursued punishment for child perpetrators. By 1995 1711 children had been imprisoned as suspected genocidaires. By 1997 it had increased to 2137. Children between the ages of 10 and 17 make up approximately 2% of the prison population.

Dyregrov found that living in the community (vs. in centers) was associated with higher intrusion scores. In addition to the fact that living in the community where atrocities took place could expose children to stimuli which triggered memories of the genocide, this finding may be explained by the fact that the UNICEF Trauma Recovery Program initially targeted the centers for training caregivers who worked with children the basic methods of trauma healing. Also, in many areas of Rwanda, violence continued well after the genocide was "technically" over. The centers facilitated a great deal of camaraderie among children who had lost both parents and other family members during the genocide, whereby they felt accepted and that their losses were not unique.

Lastly, Dyregrov argues that the notion of resiliency in children could easily become a new form of denial of trauma in children, whereby political systems evade responsibility for helping war-traumatized children. Resiliency in children is intimately tied to the availability of family and community resources – resources that may be severely restricted in some war-torn countries.